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THE COMMUNIST PARTY'S POLICY OF OPPRESSION
There have been two main stages in Chinese communism: The Mao period
and the Deng period. Although Mao and Deng differed in theory and practice,
looking at them from a wider perspective, based on the criteria of human
rights and democracy, two very important similarities exist in the two
periods. Throughout both periods the country was kept under the strict
control of the Communist Party. The present rulers are also still continuing
to repress the Chinese people under that same despotic regime.
The Mao period lasted from 1949 to 1977, and witnessed the deaths of
millions of people from starvation and the killing of millions of others.
Strict discipline prevailed in all areas of life, little individual freedom
was allowed, and whole communities were kept in line by violence and oppression.
Food could only be purchased with coupons, only one type of costume was
allowed, and people could only work in the fields and the factories allocated
by the state. The Communist Party decided who could marry whom, where
they would live, and how many children they could have.
 
The image of itself China gives to
the outside world is very different from what actually goes on inside
the country. Skyscrapers, modern roads and luxurious workplaces
are not enough to cover up the fact that some 100 million people
are forced to work in inhuman conditions in the labor camps, scavenge
in refuse heaps because they do not have enough to eat, or spend
hours queuing for work. |
Although food today can be purchased without coupons, and people can
wear what they want and visit neighboring cities, these economic-based
changes have not led to any change in the mentality of the party. The
Chinese people still can enjoy freedom only within the limits set out
by the Communist Party. In fact, the latest economic changes began when
the Communist Party allowed private investments in order to revive the
Chinese economy which had been bankrupted by Mao's policies. Furthermore,
that renewal and progress was not reflected in rural areas, in which the
level of poverty is rising. Alongside this, the executions that we examined
in detail in an earlier section of this book, the labor camps, the selling
of victims' organs, compulsory family planning and other such practices
still go on. Following the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989, President
of China Jiang Zemin's statements revealing that economic reforms will
continue, but nobody should have any dreams of democracy was of great
importance in summing up the party's policy.
  |
One article in the New York Times described the Chinese idea
of democracy in these terms:
The Ministry of Justice admits to holding more than
2,000 "counter-revolutionary" political prisoners, a number that has declined
in recent years. But countless thousands of other political and religious
prisoners of conscience are in labor camps and mental institutions. In
a heavily policed society, little has changed since 1979, when young intellectuals
like Wei Jingsheng and Xu Wenli pasted up on Democracy Wall their calls
for reform... Wei went to prison, where he remains today, and Xu is a
political hermit.76
As we have seen, although the Chinese government claims that everyone
is free to express his thoughts, Chinese citizens are not permitted to
criticize the regime or senior party officials and their actions, nor
are they allowed to publish such criticism. The party strictly monitors
all views that conflict with its own. People are punished on the grounds
of state security if they issue the slightest criticism. Those who do
are detained, and can be kept for months without being taken to court
and without their relatives being notified of their whereabouts.
THE TIANANMEN SQUARE MASSACRE
On June 4, 1989, the world once again witnessed the brutality of communist
China. University students in Tiananmen Square demanding greater democracy
and freedom found themselves opposed by their own country's army. The
Chinese government paid no attention to the fact that the protestors were
their own citizens, only 19 or 20 years old. In the view of communist
China, the important factor was the existence of a potential threat to
the state, and the Politbureau decided that the university students did
in fact represent a threat. That decision led to the deaths of thousands
of people, with thousands more being wounded and tens of thousands being
tortured in detention.
 |
On June 4, 1989, the People's Liberation Army marched
against the protesting students in Tiananmen Square and, according to
Chinese Red Cross figures, killed 2,600 people. This figure did not include
those secretly buried by the army or otherwise "disappeared". Other sources
estimate the death toll was between 7,000 and 20,000. More than 7,000
people were injured during the incident. About 40,000 were arrested (most
of these were later publicly executed).77 In this way
communist China once again showed the world just how "successfully" it
had dealt with its opponents.
Tiananmen Square had been one of the most important centers of the widely
supported democratic movement that the Chinese people initiated against
the colonialist Western powers in 1919. Protests there had a particular
symbolic significance. The fact that there are many public buildings around
the square was also a reason why it was chosen for protests. The 1989
protests began when Beijing University students wanted to commemorate
former General Secretary of the Communist Party Hu Yaobang, who had died
shortly before and was known for his reformist views. After the death
of Yaobang on April 15th, a man who had always looked warmly on the students'
demands, university students held marches to honor Hu and mourn his death.
These eventually developed into meetings at which greater democracy, university
autonomy, greater employment opportunities and freedom of the press were
demanded.
On April 18th, tens of thousands of students staged sit-in at Tiananmen
Square and put forward Seven Demands. But that movement and the students'
wishes were ignored. On April 22nd, the students again demanded a dialogue
and submission of a petition letter to the government, but their demands
were rejected again.
The students then announced that they were setting up the Autonomous
Students Union of Beijing. Workers soon began supporting the federation,
and the Beijing Workers Autonomous Federation joined it. This development
seriously alarmed the Politbureau because the federation was ceasing to
be a simple student protest and was turning into a movement that people
from all sections of society were joining. It represented a threat to
the communist regime, and the Politbureau was terrified of losing its
dictatorial powers. On April 26, the government announced that it was
banning all demonstrations. The headline "It Is Necessary to Take a Clear-Cut
Stand Against Disturbances" in the government's official mouthpiece, the
People's Daily, showed that the Politbureau intended to make
no concessions to the protestors. The editorial which condemned the students'
movement as "turmoil" and called it a "conspiracy," angered the populace.
The next day, some 200,000 students from rallied on all main streets supported
by one million citizens.
On May 4, the students read a declaration calling on the government to
fight corruption, guarantee constitutional freedoms, speed up economic
and political reform, adopt a press law and permit the publication of
private newspapers. Students from all over the country set off for Beijing
to support their colleagues in the capital. The people of Beijing formed
a huge wall around the square, and workers from various parts of the country
declared that they were backing the students. The Chinese government feared,
however, that acceptance of the students' demands would mean the beginning
of the end of their regime: any rights granted to the students would have
to be granted to other sections of society. This was a grave danger to
the communist regime, which regarded people more as units of production,
and thought it was far more important for them to work than to enjoy these
rights.
 
 
The protest begun by university students in
Tiananmen Square in 1989 was ruthlessly punished by the Communist
Party. |
The hunger strike begun by the students on May 13 enjoyed wide support
from intellectuals and teachers. Within a few weeks, the hunger strike
was backed by millions of people. The number of protestors in the square
reached half a million. Zhao Ziyang, a moderate who tried to establish
dialogue between the students and the government, was shortly afterwards
forced to resign. Deng Xiaoping's uncompromising attitude forced him to
resign, as did the declaration of a state of war by Deng and almost all
the elderly members of the Politbureau. Their idea that violence was necessary
to put down the student protest led to the bloodiest operation since the
brutal days of the Cultural Revolution.
On the eve of martial law, a huge number of students
poured into Beijing. According to Railway Ministry figures, some 57,000
students entered Beijing between May 16 and 19 by train alone. The vast
crowd of students, most of whom came from outside the city, was made up
representatives of 319 separate schools.78 The rising
numbers in the square alarmed the government even further. The declaration
of martial law allowed 40,000 soldiers from 22 separate divisions to set
out for Beijing (the majority of them were prevented from entering the
city by the populace).
That popular resistance did not last long, however. On the morning of
June 3, troops began surrounding the square. Fighting broke out in the
afternoon, and by the evening army units had overcome the barricades.
Many Beijing residents lost their lives in the fighting, as did students,
when the Chinese army opened fire on the crowd at random, and its tanks
crushed anyone who got in their way, even bystanders. On the morning of
June 4, all the roads leading into Tiananmen Square were sealed off. The
fighting lasted for a day or two more, and by June 9 thousands of people
had been killed. The cleaning up operation was not restricted to dispersing
the crowd. Tens of thousands of people were arrested, including intellectuals,
workers, politicians, students, and Beijing residents. Those members of
the Politbureau who had taken a moderate line were expelled from the party
and arrested.
SCENES AFTER THE MASSACRE
The 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre was a terrible reminder
to those who had forgotten the savage face of communism. The whole world
saw once again just how savage, ruthless and brutal communist ideology
could be when it came to defending itself. Asiaweek magazine described
the Chinese rulers who gave the order for the massacre in these words,
"Words like "paranoia," "irrational," "bloodthirsty" fail to explain
the rage of Beijing's supreme leaders."79 Eyewitnesses
of the massacre described the scenes as follows:
… at one command, the soldiers raised their guns and
fired one round at the residents and students, who fell to the ground.
As soon as the gunshots stopped, other people rushed forward to rescue
the wounded. The steps of a clinic near Xidan were already covered in
blood. But the struggle at the intersection did not stop. Armoured
vehicles ran over roadblocks, knocked over cars and buses. The unarmed
people had only bricks… What they got in return was bullets… People dispersed
and ran for their lives. Soldiers ran after them, guns blazing. Even when
residents ran into courtyards or into the shrubbery, the soldiers would
catch up with them and kill them.80
Thousands of eyewitnesses made similar statements, giving details of
the massacre and the ruthlessness of the Chinese army. Statements by the
relatives of those who lost their lives in the massacre add to the proof
of the savagery. One of these was a petition by the "June Fourth Victims'
Network," set up by relatives of those who had been killed, which comprised
statements by 105 individuals, part of which read as follows:
He was shot from the back of his head, and his shoulders, ribs and arms
all had gunshot wounds. There was a bayonet wound about 7 to 8 centimeters
below his bellybutton. It was obvious that he didn't die immediately after
being hit by several bullets, then he was stabbed to death. Both his palms
had deep cuts from bayonets. He must have tried to take away the bayonet
and was cut. When we saw his body, the upper body was covered with blood.
It was too horrible to see. [From the statement of the family of Wu Guofeng,
a 20-year-old student].
[In order to find my son] We went from hospital to hospital with many
names, perhaps 400, on each list. People crowded around, trying to find
the names of missing relatives. We looked through many lists without finding
our son's name, and also went into the hospitals to look for him among
the unidentified corpses. It was pitiful, a blur of blood and flesh, young
bodies with wild, staring eyes. [From the statement of the family of Wu
Xiangdong, killed by a bullet to the neck.]
After daybreak, the troops buried the dead on Chang'an
Bouleavard where they had died. Wang Nan and several others killed near
him were buried west of the lawn in front of the No.28 High School to
the west of Tiananmen. Around June 7, because the bodies were buried not
far from the surface, their clothes became visible above the surface after
a torrential rain. They also began to smell. So the school reported the
matter to the Xicheng District Public Security Bureau. The health bureau
and the public security bureau jointly exhumed the bodies. Since all identification
documents (or death certificates) had been taken away by the soldiers
who buried the bodies, these became unidentified corpses. [Statement of
the family of Wang Nan, killed at age 19].81
  
The brutality witnessed in Tiananmen Square
continued after the protest itself had come to an end. Many of those
who took part were later executed, and many others arrested and
sent off to the labor camps. |
All these statements reveal the dimension of the human tragedy in Tiananmen
Square in 1989. In the same way, as with the Great Leap Forward and the
Cultural Revolution in the past, the communist Chinese leadership had
again showed that it attached little importance to human life and that
communism was a repressive and dictatorial regime. Chinese prisons are
still packed with people arrested during the Tiananmen Square incident.
Furthermore, these are not the only factors that have turned China into
a state of terror. The communist Chinese regime employs all possible forms
of oppression and brutality to keep itself in power. It also uses its
own citizens like robots to keep its economy on its feet. Working conditions
in China and the general situation of the populace are terrible evidence
of the ruthless, selfish and soulless nature of communist regimes.
HOW PRIMARY SCHOOL CHILDREN ARE MADE TO WORK
In the same way that the Chinese administration compels the people of
East Turkestan to work while taking the profits of that labor, it also
exploits its own people in order to preserve the system. On the one hand,
those guilty and accused of thought crimes are forced to work in the labor
camps, and, on the other, the public are made to work for the state and
the profits taken away. Even children of primary school age are also used
in order to get the very last drop of blood out of the people. Since people
are only of value to the communist system as long as they keep producing,
and the age, health and working conditions of those who carry out that
production are often irrelevant. It is therefore entirely natural according
to the communist mindset that children should be exploited as well. The
use of children provides cheap labor, and constitutes a serious advantage
for the Chinese economy.
Livestock is raised, farming and tailoring carried
out, and even fireworks are produced in Chinese schools. There are sometimes
even mass deaths among the children who perform such labor, because children
are generally used to perform dangerous jobs such as filling and preparing
fireworks. Fifty children were killed in one explosion in the village
of Fangling in the district of Jiangxi in eastern China, and another child
seriously injured.82 As well as studying and doing their
homework at that school, its 200 students are also responsible for producing
fireworks. The 13-year-old student Gao Yun, told the Reuters news agency
about the work they did:
We started making fireworks in the school four years
ago, once or twice a week. Pupils in higher grades made the barrels and
those in low grades attach the fuses. If we produce more, our teachers
give us rewards like pencils or notebooks. But if we don't meet
our targets we are not allowed to go home.83
The communist administrators who were capable of having
children work at such dangerous tasks exhibited the exact same callousness
when it came to informing the families of the children who had been killed
in the explosion, telling them, "It's not so bad, it is like a kind of
family planning."84
The most striking example of the way that people in China are used like
machines, for whom concepts such as love, affection, understanding, tolerance
and compassion have little meaning, is the conditions that Chinese people
are forced to work under.
Chinese people describe how they are constantly humiliated, belittled,
forced to work in appalling conditions and are afraid of being punished,
and how their working conditions are a form of "suicide by degrees." One
of the reasons for this is that health conditions in Chinese working environments
are usually very poor. Workers usually have to labor from seven in the
morning until late at night, and frequently suffer various deadly diseases
because the necessary precautions are not taken to ensure their good health.
The way they are psychologically belittled and treated like animals places
them under even greater pressure.
 |
Under the communist regime, which tends to regard people
as mere means of production, children are also regarded as
elements that need to be made to work and contribute to production.
|
|
One study by the Australian researcher Anita Chan in 1998 revealed the
details of that environment. The study discussed a letter sent to a newspaper
by 20 workers at the Zhaojie shoe factory in the province of Guangdong.
It particularly concentrated on events experienced by workers brought
in from other districts to the factory, a joint state-owned and private
venture, and the health and safety conditions in it. According to the
letter, there are more than 100 security guards on permanent patrol at
the factory, and the migrant workers are never given permission to leave
it. One of the workers described what went on there:
Being beaten and abused are everyday occurrences,
and other punishments include being made to stand on a stool for everyone
to see, to stand facing the wall to reflect on your mistakes, or being
made to crouch in a bent-knee position. The staff and workers often have
to work from 7am to midnight. Many have fallen sick… It is not easy even
to get permission for a drink of water during working hours.85
 |
In the communist system, people are only
of any worth so long as they produce, and everyone has to
contribute to production.
|
|
It should not be imagined that this was an exceptional
case stemming from the cruelty of the local managers in charge. Similar
conditions exist in factories all over China, and particularly those in
East Turkestan. Fines and penalties imposed for just about anything are
among the most prominent features of such places. Among the forms of behavior
that can lead to the imposition of such sanctions are laughing and talking
during working hours, loitering in company premises outside of working
hours, and leaving the lights on. Even the length of time workers can
spend in the toilet is strictly supervised. There are even cases where
employees are fined two days' wages for going to the toilet more than
twice a day.86
As in many other fields, the brutality and violence that are so much
a part of the communist system are meted out by troops and the police
in the workplace. Security officers use electric prods to enforce obedience
to company regulations, and are in constant collaboration with the local
police. This serves to prevent any protest by workers about their working
conditions or unpaid wages.
SOCIAL COLLAPSE IN CHINA
The disasters that communism has visited on China are by no means restricted
to the examples we have already seen. China has suffered for years under
a despotic regime, and is currently undergoing a serious social collapse.
Increasing unemployment, unpaid wages, the rise in the crime rate, and
the news of protests and clashes that erupt all over the country on a
daily basis are a striking revelation of the damage that communism can
inflict on a society. On the one hand, there are the continuing human
rights violations, and on the other, a very unfair distribution of income,
and both of these are accelerating the social collapse in China. The Chinese
people are being used like guinea pigs, and are being dragged from one
catastrophe to another.
There has recently been a huge crime wave in China, with vast rises in
theft, prostitution and white slavery, drug abuse and white collar crime.
Unemployment and a wave of migration from rural areas to the cities have
led to a rise in thefts and robberies in urban areas.
One of the crimes that have increased most in recent years is the drug
trade. The spiritual emptiness which communism brings with it has brought
about a huge increase in drug abuse and trafficking.
Statistical studies reveal that the crime rate among women is exceptionally
high and rising. A rise in crimes committed against women, such as prostitution
and white slavery is also rising. Women and children are frequently involved
in the business of prostitution. These crimes reveal the moral degeneration
going on in the Chinese society. Increased bribery and corruption is another
element of the ongoing social collapse in China.
 
One of the most important indications of the
moral degeneration being experienced in China is the rapid spread
of prostitution. A number of books have revealed the true dark face
of China, a world of drugs, white slavery, and perversion.
News reports concerning the rapid rise of drug abuse frequently appear
in the world media. According to one story in Newsweek, at the end
of 1997, some 540,000 drug addicts in the country applied for assistance
under programs to help them overcome their dependency. The figure
now stands at around 800,000. Three-quarters of these people are under
25. |
Exposed for years to materialist Darwinist thought
and brought up to have no moral or spiritual values, young people
in China are currently experiencing a huge moral degeneration. The
above report in Newsweek magazine reveals the state to which they
have fallen. Li Meijin, a criminology professor at the People's Public
Security University, has stated that the number of robberies shot
up nearly 3,000 percent during the 1990s. According to one study cited
in the report, three-quarters of crimes committed between 1978 and
1998 were by young people aged 14-25. |
The Chinese Communist Party ignores all forms of spiritual education
and is firmly convinced that it is possible to train human beings like
animals. As we have seen, it is now attempting to wrestle with a monster
of its own making. It is resorting to even greater brutality to deal with
crime. However, arresting, executing and punishing even more people is
certainly not the way to deal with this physical and moral collapse. China
is currently going through the inevitable result of all communist regimes,
and the first step on the way to deal with the problem lies in raising
a strong and healthy younger generation. Only those with a sound spiritual
formation can hope to avoid immorality and evil. Someone who has no knowledge
of God and His religion, who has no love and fear of Him, and does not
expect to have to give an account of himself, has no firm reason to avoid
evil. Only religious morality will keep one from a life of wickedness
and immorality. God has forbidden indecency:
… My Lord has forbidden indecency, both open and hidden, and wrong action,
and unrightful tyranny, and associating anything with God for which He
has sent down no authority, and saying things about God you do not know.
(Qur'an, 7:33)
Those who fear God abide unconditionally by these commands:
The believers are only those who have believed in God and His Messenger
and then have had no doubt and have strived with their wealth and themselves
in the Way of God. They are the ones who are true to their word. (Qur'an,
49:15)
THE CHINESE STATE IS POISONING ITS OWN CITIZENS
The increase in prostitution and drug abuse in China is also a cause
of the spread of contagious diseases including AIDS. According to official
figures, there are some half million known AIDS sufferers in China today,
and the real number is estimated to be much higher. Yet Chinese state
is not taking realistic measures to deal with their moral collapse, and
is not taking precautions to grapple with AIDS.
Recent information has revealed that, instead of trying to prevent the
spread of AIDS, the Chinese government is actually contributing to its
spread. One of the most important reasons for its spread is people selling
their blood, and that such blood exchanges take place in very unhygienic
conditions. The Chinese authorities buy the blood of their citizens at
very cheap prices. People are promised that, for five dollars a syringe,
the plasma cells will be extracted and the blood then returned to them.
However, the repeated use of the same syringe leads not only to the spread
of AIDS, but also to many other contagious diseases.
CHINA IS NOT ABANDONING COMMUNISM
Mao's successor, Deng Xiaoping, resorted to several economic reforms
in an attempt to stabilize the economy. These, including the adaptation
of some free market principles to communism, partly reinvigorated the
Chinese economy. Today, thanks to those reforms, Western companies are
able to invest in China and private companies are allowed to operate.
(In fact, the PLA is a partner in most of these private companies, and
they have generals on their boards).
This led some people to believe that China had finally begun to break
away from the teachings of Mao and develop a more democratic mentality.
Yet, when what has happened in China over the last 20 years is examined
from a broad perspective, all these so-called reforms and revisions have
actually produced a more deep-rooted communist system.
In the same way that the collapse of the Soviet Union is thought of as
"The collapse of a faulty application of Marxism" by die-hard communists,
so Maoists in China and other parts of the world regard the present social
collapse in China as the result of "incorrect practice." According to
communist ideology, the ideal communist society has to go through a number
of stages. First is capitalism, followed by a transition to socialism,
and then communism. The real reason for the current capitalist picture
in China is, therefore, an attempt to arrive at the ideal communist society.
China is doing all it can to keep that capitalist picture restricted to
the economic field, and continues to be devoted to Maoism in the political
arena. For the transition to socialism, itself an important step on the
road to communism, to be possible, the country is trying to revise the
Communist Party to a socialist one.
Furthermore, China is today experiencing all aspects of the savage capitalism
that is regarded as necessary for the transition to socialism. Inequality
of income distribution, the ever increasing levels of unemployment, the
rich are growing richer (as the poor grow poorer) and the moral collapse
which came about as a result are intended to make the populace think that
"Mao's time was best." Yet, although Maoism is portrayed as a viable alternative,
it is really a regime of cruelty and savagery that has the blood of millions
of people on its hands. In other words, people are going to find themselves
out of the frying pan but in the fire.
 
The traces of the catastrophes communism has
brought to China can easily be seen all over the country. |
Recent research in China reveals that there is still great interest in
Mao in the country, and that a large part of society still harks back
to the days of Chairman Mao. The uncertainty and collapse due to the capitalist
reforms that began in the 1970s have led to a peak in the protests that
began in 1986, and led to Mao being reinstated on the country's agenda.
A 1992 edition of Atlantic Monthly magazine describes China's
return to Maoism as follows:
In fact, by the end of last year a surprising new craze
for Mao trivia had spread throughout China. Although it lacked the political
frenzy of the Cultural Revolution, during which weeping devotees of Mao
marched across China in his name, beat to death supposed enemies of his
revolution, and even pinned Mao buttons to their naked flesh, this latter-day
infatuation was remarkably widespread… Capitalizing on this new infatuation
with Mao, the state owned Xinhua bookstore sold more than 10 million copies
of a new four-volume edition of Mao's collected works last year, and state-owned
film studios have been cranking out docudramas. The 1991 film Mao Zedong
and His Son was calculated to make Mao appear more human by highlighting
an emotional scene in which he was told that his son Mao Anying had just
been killed in the Korean War by the Americans. Such efforts to humanize
Mao continued this year with the release of the propagandist Story of
Mao Zedong.87
 
Maoism's influence on the Chinese administration
can be seen in the propaganda posters that Head of State, Jiang
Zemin, had prepared. The poster on the left shows Mao, Deng Xiaoping,
and Jiang Zemin. |
Pro-Mao propaganda still goes on today. Quiz shows are aired on Beijing
television in which contestants are asked to recite well-known quotations
from Mao on command and to identify the dates, places and contexts of
other quotations of his. More of his posters are being put up, and his
teachings are broadcast again and again on the radio and television. Given
the scale of the propaganda they are subjected to, a large part of the
Chinese people see Mao as a savior, and even feel a kind of mystical devotion
to him. Many of them believe that Mao protects them from accidents, evil
and disease. In his book The Sun That Never Sets, however, the
Chinese investigative journalist Jia Lusheng underlines certain other
truths. According to Jia, China's devotion to Mao reflects a nostalgia
for the days when the country seemed more stable. He writes that poor
leadership, a degenerate society, and the rising crime rate have all helped
to increase the nostalgia for Mao. A great many Chinese imagine that the
sun will again rise over China when Mao's ideology is translated into
life.
As these analyses have shown, China is by no means turning its back on
communism, and may even be moving towards an even stricter form of communism
within the context of an established program. Communist ideology means
the oppression in East Turkestan will continue. That is because communist
ideology has always been an implacable foe of Muslims and Islam, and will
always be so.
THE CHINESE "TERRORISM" DECEPTION
The terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001, brought
with them a new strategic order that would change many balances in the
world. The United States began a global war against international terrorism,
which sees that country as its main target. Some countries, however, took
advantage of that struggle and hoped to use it for their own ends. The
most important of these was China.
China tried to portray the United States' reaction to terrorism as "a
war against Muslims," and issued a message in October, 2001. That message
said, in essence, that China wanted to cooperate with the Western world
against the Islamic terrorists in East Turkestan.
Yet that statement by China is a clear contradiction. The people of East
Turkestan are waging an entirely justified struggle to protect their own
values and culture, live according to their own religion, and speak their
own language. For many years now, that struggle has been waged on a purely
democratic platform, thanks to the good sense of the East Turkestan leaders.
There may be individuals or groups in East Turkestan who are inclined
to the use of violence, just as in any other society, but that does not
change the fact that the struggle of East Turkestan is justified. The
real terrorist force in the region, as we have seen throughout this book,
is the Chinese regime, which is waging a long-term campaign of genocide
against the innocent Muslims of East Turkestan.
Western commentators were not slow to express this fact. Former
U.S. Senator Jesse Helms was one of these. An example is an article
titled "Beware China's Ties to the Taliban" in the October 14, 2001, edition
of The Washington Times, just after China's propaganda initiative.
Helms had served for many years as Republican party senator for North
Carolina, and had been a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
In his article, he described how deceptive China's move to gain the support
of the United States and the West really was. He stated that there were
close links between China and the Taliban regime, and that China was hostile
both to Islam and to the West:
…The second rationale for working with the Chinese is the weird assumption
that China and the United States share a common interest in fighting terrorism.
What a naive and dangerous fantasy. The fact is, the Communist Chinese
government is in bed with every one of the terrorist and terrorist-supporting
rogue regimes of the Middle East…
Those who imagine that the U.S. shares common interests with the Chinese
in combating terrorism most likely base their assumption on China's fight
against supposed Uighur terrorism in Xinjiang Province, formerly known
as East Turkestan. But there is an ugly catch to that:If the U.S. should
end up receiving any kind of support from Beijing for our anti-terrorist
efforts, it will almost certainly come at the price of acquiescing in
China's crackdown on the Uighurs. That would be a moral calamity, for
there is no justification in lumping the Uighurs with the murderous fanatics
who demonstrably mean us harm. The Uighurs are engaged in a just
struggle for freedom from Beijing's tyrannical rule, for the most part
peacefully. For this, they have been viciously suppressed, with the Chinese
government arresting and torturing political prisoners, destroying mosques
and opening fire on peaceful demonstrations.
Strategically and morally, the United States cannot
and must not assume that China is part of a solution to terrorism. Indeed,
Communist China is a very large part of the problem.88
As we have seen, Americans are aware of what is happening in Red China
and of the terrible oppression of the Muslims of East Turkestan, and therefore
regard China, not as a "part of a solution to terrorism," but as a part
of terrorism itself.
That view has now come to be shared by many in the West. Various figures
are warning of the need to be careful in the face of moves by certain
countries that hope to take advantage of the US's fight against terrorism.
In a November 5, 2001 article, Thomas Beal, one of the editors of The
Asian Wall Street Journal stressed the following:
China's false indignation shows how it is exploiting world-wide revulsion
at the attacks on America to justify a nearly 10-year crackdown on ethnic
nationalism and religion in Xinjiang, whose Muslim Turkic Uighurs comprise
half of the region's 18 million people. For backing, or at least not opposing,
the U.S.-led campaign against Osama bin Laden, President Jiang Zemin hopes
to milk greater sympathy from Western governments critical of China's
human rights record.
The Bush administration must reject China's attempt
to equate the attack on America with its separatist problem. It should
not give support, tacit or otherwise, to China's abuses of Muslims in
Xinjiang…89
Later in the article, Beal turned to the Chinese regime's oppression
of the people of East Turkestan, and stated that it was still going on.
He concluded his article with these words:
… [T]he U.S. must not abet Beijing's abuses against
the Uighurs, a people who know all too well why America is waging war
on terrorism.90
For its part, Turkey needs to keep these facts in mind in its relationship
with China, and to use diplomatic channels to support the rightful struggle
of its fellow Turks and co-religionists in East Turkestan.
THE SOLUTION LIES IN REMOVING THE FUNDAMENTAL BASES OF
DARWINISM
We have so far stressed that the philosophical bases of Chinese brutality
are Darwinism and materialism. We have also touched on the link between
Darwinism and communism. The many examples that have been considered in
other works discussing the links between Darwinism and various godless
ideologies reveal how Darwinism has turned the world into a place of war
and conflict and has also incited racism and attempts at ethnic cleansing.
How is it that Darwinism leads people to war, anarchy, chaos and conflict
(and that they regard this state of affairs as part of the nature of life)?
- According to Darwinism's twisted view, humans are the product of natural
law and chance, and they are a kind of advanced animal who exists only
because of survival of the fittest. There is, therefore, no reason why
he should not display such animal traits as aggression, ruthlessness and
violence. Furthermore, since humans are the product of chance and natural
law, we are not responsible for these traits. This idea is encouraged
in the written and visual media, despite the fact that it lacks any scientific
basis. Educational institutions portray it as if it were a proven fact,
which leads people to fall under the spell of Darwinism without their
being aware of it As a result young people are not directed in the direction
of love, compassion and self-sacrifice, but are inclined to turn to crime,
violence, and evil.
- Darwinism and materialism maintain that human progress is dependent
on conflict that results in survival of the fittest. The fact that this
is put forward as if it were scientific truth, and that it has been expressed
by statesmen, rulers and military men over the years, has led to millions
of deaths, huge numbers of people being crippled, and ruined cities and
nations. Mankind has been through two world wars, and is sinking in conflict,
anarchy and terrorism because of Darwinism's praise of conflict which
it sees as essential to progress.
- Darwinism regards life as constant struggle, in which the strong can
only survive so long as they are ruthless, and thus views "unfair" competition
as quite justified. If life is a struggle, then war is the only way to
survive, and being ruthless the only way to protect oneself. According
to this perverted idea, the weak and feeble are condemned to be crushed
and eliminated.
Darwinism leads individuals and societies towards ruthlessness and cruelty,
regards war and competition as a biological necessity, and maintains that
bloodshed and suffering (and even the infliction of suffering) are the
seeds of progress. It regards all of these as a "law of nature." When
such an idea becomes the official ideology of an entire state, terror
will be the inevitable result.
It is for this reason that the elimination and removal of Darwinism ideology
will also mean the elimination of that philosophy of conflict and its
various manifestations. The black face of Darwinism must be unmasked,
and a great effort must be made to help people to recognize God and believe
in Him. The solid morality from religion must be fully explained to society.
God commands people to maintain justice under all circumstances, to love
peace and be tolerant, and to oppose chaos and wickedness. The essence
of religious morality, therefore, means the establishment of peace and
security. All three divine religions (Christianity, Judaism and Islam)
oppose conflict and violence. The rejection of Darwinist philosophy and
its replacement by religious morality means the replacement of hatred
and conflict by love, compassion, tolerance and forgiveness.
Those who support communism want to
see a world dominated by conflict, fighting and terror. Muslims,
who abide by Islamic morality, prefer to see a world where compromise
prevails over fighting, brotherhood over conflict, and love and
peace over terror. |
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